From Vision To Impact: The People-centred Governance Model

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KEYNOTE ADDRESS BY HIS EXCELLENCY, PROF. YEMI OSINBAJO, SAN, GCON, IMMEDIATE PAST VICE PRESIDENT OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA AT THE COLLOQUIUM IN HONOUR OF THE 61ST BIRTHDAY OF PRESIDENT JULIUS MAADA BIO OF SIERRA LEONE TITLED: FROM VISION TO IMPACT: THE PEOPLE-CENTRED GOVERNANCE MODEL, IN FREETOWN, SIERRA LEONE ON THE 12TH OF MAY, 2025

PROTOCOLS

Mr. President, let me begin by expressing my heartfelt congratulations to you on the occasion of your 61st birthday. It is not often that we see a sitting president choose to mark such a personal milestone by convening a gathering like this – one focused not on celebration but conversation, and not just any conversation, but one that is vital to the future of the nation, our subregion and the continent: the idea and practice of people-centred governance.

A few months ago, I had the pleasure of discussing this subject with you while we were both attending an event in Barbados. It was clear then and remains that this is more than theory to you. It is a pathway that you are fully committed to.

I also want to thank you for the honour of your invitation to me to be the keynote speaker at the first-ever Julius Maada Bio Leadership Colloquium. I will be speaking briefly on the theme of the Colloquium: From Vision to Impact: the People-Centred Leadership Model.

What do we mean by people-centred governance? People-centred governance is a development paradigm that places the needs and voices of the vast majority, particularly those at the bottom of the pyramid, at the heart of policymaking.

The African Union’s Agenda 2063 affirms this vision, calling for “development based on self-reliance and the self-determination of African people, with democratic and people-centred governance.” It is a call to reimagine leadership, not as the power to rule, but as the duty to serve.

Why is people-centred governance not just ideal, but imperative, especially in our subregion and our continent? To answer that, we must first understand the socio-economic context that we are confronted with. Across Africa, countries are striving for structural transformation while grappling with growing poverty, unemployment, and debt. Since the COVID-19  pandemic, an estimated 55 million more Africans have slipped into poverty, with 39 million falling into extreme poverty. Youth unemployment is staggering, with up to a quarter of young Africans neither in education, employment, nor training.

Simultaneously, 20 of the 39 African countries eligible for concessional borrowing are at high risk of or already in, debt distress. Africa is in the throes of the worst debt crisis in 80 years. This economic distress is accompanied by an alarming surge in insecurity.

The Sahel has become home to the world’s fastest-growing and deadliest terrorist groups, accounting for nearly half of deaths from global terrorism. West Africa alone is reeling from waves of insurgencies, armed banditry, and kidnappings. Add to this is the democratic backsliding we are witnessing, coup d’états in Burkina Faso, Mali, Guinea, and Niger. These reversals threaten the democratic progress we made in the early 2000s. And disturbingly, segments of society are becoming more accepting of unconstitutional changes because they feel democracy has failed to improve their lives.

The reality is stark: a growing number of Africans, especially young people, feel alienated, angry, and unseen. From the #EndSARS and #EndBadGovernance protests in Nigeria to the Gen Z uprising in Kenya, there is a mounting frustration with governance. Voter turnout is declining, extremist groups exploit the despair of the jobless, and across the continent, people question whether government exists for them at all. As Nobel Laureate Amartya Sen rightly pointed out, political freedom must translate into social and economic freedoms. Elections alone do not constitute democracy. True democracy delivers dignity: food on the table, education for children, safety in our streets, and hope for the future.

The good news is that the vast majority of our people do not want military rule. In 2023,  the UNDP conducted a Perception Survey of 8,000 African citizens in order to better understand how citizens felt about Military coups. A key question they asked was what was their preferred option for governance. A majority of citizens said that democracy remained their preferred style of government. In fact, only 11% of the citizens in countries that had experienced unconstitutional changes of government preferred non- democratic forms of government. So the issue is not democracy, it is how the political practitioners of democracy can ensure that the government of the people by the people for the people does not forget the aches and pains of the people.

To make people-centred governance work, we must move decisively from top-down, elite-focused strategies to bottom-up, inclusive development. But the first requirement is political will. Is the government at the highest level committed to governance that ensures that the bottom of the pyramid will be the first consideration in policy and planning? Indeed, the distinguishing feature of states that have grown successfully and nurtured democracy is leadership that has a vision for society and that can effectively demonstrate its commitment to growth, social development and the provision of public services.

The leadership class must reframe the national discourse and come up with a mobilising idea for society, such as an ideology of democratic development.  Success in this regard must be accompanied by strategic communications in order to tell the story and keep the population on side. Governments can get greater public understanding by sharing strategic intent and by showing how policies that have been adopted will help to improve livelihoods.

The second point is that budgets and fiscal policy measures must intentionally prioritise the needs of the poor and lower-income segments of society. Such budgeting would prioritise mass education and generalised access to healthcare, which are key for building the human capital of economies. It should also extend to social protection and support for economic sectors like agriculture and small enterprises, which would promote direct job creation and financial inclusion for the more vulnerable sections of society. It will also include people-centred justice schemes that make justice accessible to the poor and vulnerable.

Such budgetary expenditures are not mere social costs but high-return investments in human capital and inclusive growth. An important component of people-centred budgeting is providing for and implementing maximum impact ‘Pro-bottom of the Pyramid’ Initiatives.       These are initiatives that channel direct benefits to the poor and vulnerable. Examples are Home Grown School Feeding Programmes, which is a farm-to-table programme that provides jobs from farmers to aggregators and cooks, and then free meals once a day to children in school. In Nigeria, as of 2016, we were feeding 9.6 million children daily, we met nutritional needs, and in some states, primary school enrollment went up by 40%.

Also, we implemented Conditional Cash Transfers to the most vulnerable. The Government Enterprises and Empowerment Programme, GEEP, managed by the Bank of Industry, was an award-winning microcredit scheme covering over 2.4 million informal traders. In addition, we had the N-Power programme affording employment to over 500,000 young people. Mr. President, this is similar to the Youth Empowerment Promotion and Livelihood programme Your Excellency launched in 2024 and is already benefiting hundreds of young men and women.

In Nigeria, these Social Investment Programmes were key to maintaining stability during the 2016 economic recession.

To guarantee citizen acceptance of these people-centred programmes, an inclusive decision-making model must be adopted. This would involve facilitating the consultation and participation of people at the constituency level in the budgeting process. This inclusive process also ensures that leaders will be held accountable for implementing their promises and how their policies impact ordinary people.

A major weakness of governance in many African states is the successful implementation.  No matter how well-intentioned a government may be or how great a policy may be, if it fails to get done, it might as well not have been started. Two African countries wanted to build Special economic zones (SEZs) to build factories for fast-moving products that could be manufactured cheaper than in China. They hired the same expert, paid 2 million dollars for consultancy, and they both had enough money to execute the projects, and investors had committed to the projects. In 4 years, one built 6 SEZs, the other couldn’t complete one! The Chinese during the COVID-19 pandemic built a 1000-bed hospital fully equipped and ready to use in 7 days flat; these guys are not spirits, just serious.

Governments must be intentional about implementation, we must insist on diligent planning, develop or hire and pay the best talents well. It was Lee Kwan Yew, the legendary leader of Singapore, who transformed the island state from third world to first world, who said this about attracting the best talent to public service: “You must attract the best people. If you underpay them, you’ll have corruption. If you pay peanuts, you get monkeys.”

I also believe that the privilege of governance must be used to render a game-changing, transformative social service. In countries like Norway, Sweden, and Denmark, strong social security systems, free education (from primary to university), and universal healthcare are considered basic rights.

In 1948, the National Health Service (NHS) was created in the UK under the leadership of Clement Attlee’s Labour government. Despite post-war economic problems, they pushed for healthcare to be free at the point of use, available to all regardless of income. Today, the NHS remains one of the most cherished public institutions in the UK. Your free education programme Mr. President, is one such game-changing service for now and generations to come. Thousands of boys and girls who could never have afforded the cost of a good education will go to school and become the best surgeons, AI experts, software engineers and builders of world-class businesses. But the greatest service governments can render is to provide good-paying jobs and livelihoods for the many who come into the job market daily. The only way of doing that is by increasing productivity.

We must pay attention to national industrial policies that prioritise increased productivity and value addition that generate jobs. Every investment, every procurement must give a good answer to the question ‘How many jobs will this create?’ Increasing productivity requires consultation with the private sector. No matter how we slice it, the only guarantee of democracy is governance that addresses the needs of the majority.

As I conclude, let me say, Mr. President, that your administration offers a compelling example of people-centred governance in action. At the heart of your development vision is the Free Quality School Education Programme, which has provided tuition-free education to over two million children across Sierra Leone. That the initiative includes free teaching materials, and school feeding is important because this reduces inequality and increases access, especially for vulnerable and low-income families.

Complementing this is the policy of tuition-free university education for girls studying STEM disciplines, a bold and strategic move to close the gender gap and position young women at the forefront of national development. The poorest countries in the world are those that keep women, half of their population, uneducated. Also, ensuring that women must have 30% of all appointive and elective positions by the Gender Equality and Empowerment Act is a crucial complement to empowering women to contribute more effectively to development and governance.

The introduction of biometric civil registration and national identity cards has helped improve access to social services and financial inclusion, especially for rural and underserved communities. Equally notable are the government’s efforts to reform access to justice, especially for women and rural communities, through the expansion of legal aid, the strengthening of local courts, and progressive legislation like the Customary Land Rights Act.

Taken together, these initiatives reflect a coherent and credible shift: one that places people, especially those at the margins, at the centre of governance and national development. This is as it should be.

A lot has been done, but I am sure Mr. President, you will be the first to admit that the destination is still far and much more needs to be done. People-centred governance is a continuous process of moving as many as possible from the bottom of the pyramid to better income and livelihood levels; it requires our constant vigilance and dedication.

Today, as we honour a leader who has chosen to lead with purpose and people at heart, let this colloquium serve not just as a robust policy conversation, but as a call to action. A charge to all of us, whether in government, civil society, or the private sector, to recommit to governance that delivers dignity, opportunity, and justice. That is the future our people deserve.

Finally, Mr. President, I think I should now wear my other cap, that is of a pastor and say a word of prayer for you. Let me remind Your Excellency that the Bible tells us that even at the age of 120 years, Moses’ sight was not dimmed and his natural force was not diminished, and you are only 61, so you are still a very young man. I pray for you that even after the order of Moses as your days, so shall your physical and mental strength, so shall your joy, and so shall your favour with God be in Jesus’ name.

Happy birthday Mr. President!

Thank you.